By
Jiten Yumnam
Two contrasting media
reports in subsequent days in early July, 2014 provoke enough confusion in Manipur.
In a strange and seemingly stirring from deep slumber to its senses, the media
reports the ruling Congress party of the Manipur Government resolves to protect
agriculture land[1],
citing setting up of brick farms, residential areas, schools as key reasons for
agriculture loss. Few organizations hastily applauded the decision. The decision
already provokes wide interest for an agrarian state like Manipur, where nearly
70 percent of its people rely on agriculture for sustenance. Manipur’s
agriculture has long been in a state of crisis for long, its land has been
shrinking alarmingly in recent decades and an industrial form of agriculture
fast descends.
No further details were
elucidated except for the intent expressed to save agriculture land. All’s fine
till the next day when denizens of Yurembam village in suburb of Imphal Town
expressed strong objection to fresh move to acquire their village land for
construction of rail tracks and a Station for the Trans Asian Railway passing
through Manipur. The village already lost substantial tract of their prime
agricultural land for setting up the high voltage power transmission and
distribution lines of Power Grid Corporation of India with funding from the World
Bank and for expansion of the Yurembam Power Sub Station. The village literally
is on the verge of extinction[2].
One wonders whether the
recent decision of ruling party is reasons rife for rejoice? And whether
there’s comprehensive introspection of reasons for loss of agriculture land or
threats to sustainable agriculture in Manipur? Will such decision led to food
sovereignty or sustainable agriculture in Manipur, as also outlined in the
draft Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) for the Post 2015 development
agenda. One also wonder if the decision will undo development injustice in
Manipur. One obviously needs to dwell into hard realities to find lucid answers.
For long, Manipur
manages agriculture without a comprehensive policy to protect agriculture land.
Adhocism rules the roost as agriculture land continues to be conscripted one
after another amidst growing public resentment. Peoples’ resistance against farmland
acquisition without their consent, in the setting up of National Institute of
Technology at Lamphelpat and at Kyamgei and the expansion of Imphal Airport and
proposed expansion of Manipur University, setting of Manipur industrial centre
at Chingarel etc are still fresh in peoples’ memories[3].
Much of Manipur’s prime agriculture land is also lost due to accommodate
extensive deployment of Indian armed forces under the Armed Forces Special
Powers Act, 1958 to subdue insurgent groups seeking self determination of
Manipur.
Will there be a
rethinking of the development process and rescinding of destructive and
unsustainable policies with the move to defend agriculture land? Or will it be
just an expression of intent devoid of practicalities. The development record
of government of Manipur is heavily laden with injustice, disrespect of
peoples’ rights over their land, their right to participate in development
decision making and also brute use of force. Will it also rethink certain
development process, such as 105 MW Loktak HEP project, to return the 83,000
acres of prime agriculture land, submerged by the mega dam project? Will it
also consider abandoning the Tipaimukh dam project which will submerge nearly
30,000 hectares of forest and fertile agriculture land along the Barak River
and its tributaries in Tamenglong and Churachandpur Districts? Will the
decision led to saving more than 1000 hectares of agriculture land in Mapithel
Valley to be submerged by Mapithel dam? The proposed Chakpi dam will submerge
more than 3000 hectares, most of which will be prime agriculture land along the
Chakpi River in Chandel District of Manipur.
The decision of the
Government of Manipur comes at an interesting phase of Manipur’s history,
already in the centre of large scale Trans Asian development initiatives and
larger international policies. The Trans Asian Railway, the Trans Asian Highway
and the 400 KW High Voltage Transmission lines are both part of the larger
strategy to economically connect Asian sub regions and to foster trade between
countries in South Asian and South East Asia, the process being facilitated by
several economically powerful countries like Japan through its Japanese Bank
for International Cooperation (JBIC) and several Multilateral banks, primarily
the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank. With countries like India and
Thailand supporting such master plans through their Look East Policies and Look
West Policies, Manipur and other parts of India’s North East confronts
development onslaught of multinational corporations and intrusion of international
financial institutions, conscripting agriculture land in the subsequent industrialization
and infrastructure development processes. Neither its people nor its land and
resources are involved in definition of such development priorities but rather
subjected them for exploitation in all forms to advance their interest and
priorities. These infrastructures will only facilitate dumping of cheap
agricultural produces from across borders and destroying indigenous
agriculture.
Manipur also saw
aggressive corporate expansionism with several policies formed to facilitate
such processes. The Manipur Loktak Lake Protection Act, 2006, the Manipur
Tourism Policy, 2011 and also the Manipur Hydroelectric Power Policy, 2012 etc all
favour privatisation and corporatization of peoples land and resources, all of
which will require substantial acquisition of agricultural land forcibly and
evicting communities. There’s ongoing process to introduce the New Land Use
Policy (NLUP), 2014 to facilitate privatisation and commodification of communities’
land and resources. Several farmers’ bodies already opposed the 6th
amendment Bill of Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms recently passed in the
7th session of the 10th Legislative Assembly in March
2014, for favouring the rich and wealthy[4].
Development injustice
has strongly been pursued in forced confiscation of peoples land and eviction
of small scale farmers. Conscription of agriculture land with state militarism
and justice denial can never be sustainable and just development. Further, the
police personnel involved in unleashing brutalities on communities asserting
defense of their agriculture land as in the case of Mapithel Dam, Khuga Dam,
Loktak Eviction etc faces no trial and hence justice remains denied to them.
One also needs to
reflect as to the objective and purpose of protecting agriculture land. This
question finds much relevance given the high inputs to agriculture and as
farmers increasingly finds it difficult to sustain their agricultural
activities. One need to introspect what additional factors threatens Manipur’s
agriculture, such as the promulgation of subsidy oriented policies such as
National Food Security Act, 2012 and its inconsiderate application in Manipur
with enormous potential to destroy indigenous agriculture with dumping of cheap
and chemical laden food grain from outside Manipur. Moreover, multinational
corporations aggressively promoted their agricultural products ranging from high
yielding seeds, chemicals, pesticides, herbicides etc, which will eventually
destroy indigenous agriculture, subjecting small scale farmers fully dependent
on chemical laden and high capital intensive forms of agriculture. This will
render farming impossible for impoverished and marginal farmers. There’s also
wide impact of free trade agreement signed by the Government of India with
South East Asian countries on agriculture in Manipur. Cheap agriculture
products from Myanmar, Thailand and China already destroyed production of
seasonal indigenous crops of Manipur[5].
For the Manipur
Government, which has long ceased to think for itself, can it really oppose or
obstruct the larger dominant paradigm or liberalization of agriculture and
subsequent impacts on small scale and marginal farmers? Agriculture in India
has landed in further crisis after wide reforms in the after math of the
neo-liberal policies of 1991.
Decline
in the public investment, shrinking public extension services and contraction
of institutional credit availability in rural areas after 1991 policy reforms has
led to widespread agrarian crisis. The Agricultural Produce Marketing Committee Act, 2003 has
been amended to facilitate setting up private markets, allowing contract
farming and legalizing direct purchase from farmers. Multinational companies gained
spaces in procurement, wholesale trade and retailing, much to the detriment of
small scale farmers. Defense of agricultural land need rethinking
the capitalist led development, dominant development model based on profits for
private parties, which undermines sustainable agriculture. One wonders if the
Government of Manipur will embark on this at a time when it is deeply
encouraging corporate agriculture.
The reality today is the
unregulated corporate expansionism under imperialist globalization is the
biggest threat to sustainable agriculture in Manipur? The Government need be
sensitive to such external challenges and threats to agriculture in Manipur,
both in the hills and plains, including due to climate change. Further, also to
understand the grievances of small scale farmers, which have limited state
support for their agriculture activities, such as purchase of farm equipments,
irrigation facilities and crop insurance etc. Without challenging the larger
unsustainable development models and all threats to sustainable agriculture, a
mere defense of agriculture land will simply be irrational?
One also wonder if
there will there be reconsideration of the Policies like Manipur Tourism Policy
2011 and Manipur Hydroelectric Power Policy and other legislations that will
destroy farmland and restrict community’s access to community land. Especially,
the Manipur Tourism policy stipulated creating land banks and to simplify all
necessary environmental, social, forest clearances for those that can accord
maximum investments. The other policy
will submerge vast prime agriculture land.
Again, will there be
real defense of agriculture land in Manipur? And for whom will they be
defended? Will it be for the people or for the State functionaries or for the
Multinational Corporations? What should be the process to defend? Can such
process be defined exclusively by the State without involving communities who
very much depends on their land for survival? The call for protection of
agriculture land comes also at a time when wetlands are destroyed, with massive
urbanization and for pursuance of unregulated industrial activities.
One also wonders what
will be considered as agricultural land and whether it will be confined to only
permanent cultivable land. Manipur has different categories of agriculture
land, depending on the terrain and geography, in the plains, wetlands, hills
and in the forest with different agricultural practice. The protection of
agricultural land in Manipur should also entail protection of wetlands, forest
land and those areas with possibility for permanent cultivation. And here it is
highly crucial to ensure involvement of all different communities of Manipur
practising different types and forms of agriculture practices and to
acknowledge their pattern of land ownership and agriculture practices, to
acknowledge and accept best practices and ways to protect agricultural land in
different terrains.
What kind of exception
clause will be outlined, if ever there’s a policy for agriculture land
protection? With “Eminent Domain” concept
ruling supreme and with legislations like the Manipur Land Registration and
Reform Act, 1960, whose provisions are in line with the British colonial land act,
Land Acquisition Act, 1894, still allowing State to forcibly acquire peoples’
land for ‘public’ purpose, one wonders how the Manipur Government will ensure protection
of communities rights.
The Government of Manipur
should consider a comprehensive agriculture policy which recognize communities’
rights over their land and recognize their right to free, prior and informed
consent before introducing any initiative or development projects that will
undermine their rights or relationship with their land. It is highly crucial to
perceive the importance and intrinsic relationship of communities with their
land. A holistic policy to protect agriculture land, wetlands, forest of
Manipur should be framed in due consultation with communities. Reviewing and
changing development processes or policies detrimental in sustainable
agriculture of Manipur is urgently required. Protection of agriculture land
cannot and simply work in isolation less there’s a concerted effort both to
understand and to respond to the larger forces, which already threatened the
socio- economic, political and cultural values of Manipur. A serious endeavour
to ensure agriculture sector remains a viable survival option is very much
crucial. Protection of agricultural land should be an essential and key component
of promoting just and sustainable development in Manipur. A mere intent to
protect agriculture land will mean nothing till a holistic approach is adopted
for agriculture.
[1] “CLP bats for
saving Agriculture Land”, 10 July 2014, the Sangai Express
[2] Manipur's debut in railway map may wipe out Yurembam, fear inhabitants
Source: The Sangai Express / Newmai News Network, The 9 July 2014
Source: The Sangai Express / Newmai News Network, The 9 July 2014
[3] Developmental
challenges : Airport & University expansion, The Sangai Express, 11 May
2008, http://e-pao.net/epSubPageExtractor.asp?src=news_section.opinions.Politics_and_Governance.Developmental_challenges_Airport_Univ_expansion
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